Classifier constructions and verbs of motion, location and existentials in Brazilian Sign Language

Author(s)

Brenda Silva Veloso

• Document type: Doctoral Thesis
• Press: Campinas, SP.
• Institution: Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP). Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
• Defense date: 2008-08-28

Examining board members

Jairo Morais Nunes; Heloisa Maria Moreira Lima de Almeida Salles; Rossana Aparecida Finau; Juanito Ornelas de Avelar; Angel Humberto Corbera Mori

• Advisor: Jairo Morais Nunes

Abstract

Assuming the general framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993), this study examines morphosyntactic aspects of classifier constructions in Brazilian Sign Language (LSB). I argue that verbs of motion and location in LSB consist of a root and classifier morphemes, analyzed as agreement markers. More specifically, I show that there are two types of classifier handshapes, depending on whether it directly or indirectly refers to an entity. The first group is used in intransitive sentences and the second one is used in transitive structures. The analysis of the classifier constructions in LSB provides support for the claim that verbs in this language can be divided in two large groups, depending on the presence or absence of agreement (Quadros 1999). Moreover, it is shown that LSB presents two agreement systems, one based on assignment of locus in signing space and the other based on attachment of classifier handshapes. Finally, it is proposed that copular and existential sentences do not show classifier handshapes in LSB because their verbs are non-agreeing verbs. (AU)